Sunday, December 7, 2014

Jeremy Thorpe, Member of Parliament Accused in Sex Scandal

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Jeremy Thorpe in London in January 1967, after being elected the leader of the Liberal Party. CreditKeystone, via Getty Images
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Jeremy Thorpe, a charismatic British politician who briefly revived the fortunes of his country’s Liberal Party before his political career was destroyed by a scandal involving allegations of a homosexual relationship and of a murder conspiracy to keep it quiet, died on Thursday. He was 85.
His son, Rupert, announced the death, saying that Mr. Thorpe had struggled with Parkinson’s disease for more than 30 years. No other details were given.
On June 22, 1979, after a monthlong trial that attracted worldwide attention, Mr. Thorpe was found not guilty on charges of conspiring to murder Norman Scott, a former stable hand and male model. Three co-defendants were also acquitted.
But the acquittals came too late to save Mr. Thorpe’s political career. The scandal had already cost him his seat in Parliament, which he had held for 20 years, representing the North Devon district in the far west of England, and forced him to resign his leadership of the Liberal Party. At the time, male homosexual acts were illegal in Britain.
After the trial, Mr. Thorpe and his second wife, Marion — his first had died in a car crash — retired to their home in a remote Exmoor village and all but disappeared from public view.
But for a time he had been the Liberal Party’s most successful leader in decades, elected to the post in 1967 at the age of 38. In his nine-year tenure, until 1976, the party, now known as the Liberal Democrats, more than doubled its voter support, offering Britons a credible alternative to the Labour and Conservative parties.
Mr. Thorpe had become its face and voice, pressing for liberal policies at home and, as a human-rights advocate, for the abolition of apartheid in South Africa.
He was known for his oratorical eloquence and barbed wit. In 1962, after Prime Minister Harold Macmillan dismissed seven cabinet ministers in what became known as “the Night of the Long Knives,” Mr. Thorpe put an acerbic twist on biblical verse, remarking, “Greater love than this hath no man, than to lay down his friends for his life.”
He had also cut a suave, dashing figure, resplendent in bespoke Edwardian suits, thick gold watch chains and his signature trilby, a narrow-brimmed hat that he wore at a rakish angle over darkly saturnine features.
On Thursday, Nick Clegg, the deputy prime minister and leader of the Liberal Democrats, praised Mr. Thorpe for his “leadership and resolve,” adding that “his involvement with the antiapartheid movement and the campaign for Britain’s membership of the Common Market were ahead of his time.”
Rumors of Mr. Thorpe’s sexual inclinations had circulated in political and journalistic circles for years without doing him any harm. But this changed in 1971, when the Liberal Party began an internal inquiry in response to allegations by Mr. Scott.
He said that in the early 1960s, when he was a stable hand, he had met Mr. Thorpe and begun a two-year sexual relationship with him in violation of anti-sodomy laws then on the books. (Homosexual acts between two men in private were decriminalized in England and Wales in 1967.) The inquiry exonerated Mr. Thorpe.
But Mr. Scott continued to press his accusations, selling letters to newspapers that he said Mr. Thorpe had written to him. In one, addressing Mr. Scott by a pet name, “Bunnies,” he promised to pay for a horse-riding course in France. It ended, “Bunnies can (and will) go to France.” (The quotation soon appeared on T-shirts around London.)
In 1975, an airline pilot, Andrew Newton, was accused of ambushing Mr. Scott on Exmoor, shooting Mr. Scott’s Great Dane with a handgun and turning it on Mr. Scott, saying it was his turn to die. The gun was not fired; Mr. Scott suggested that it had jammed. Mr. Newton was convicted of firearms violations.
It was during the trial that Mr. Scott accused Mr. Thorpe and his allies of hiring Mr. Newton. At the trial, during which Mr. Thorpe did not testify, a defense lawyer acknowledged that Mr. Thorpe had “homosexual tendencies” but denied the charges and said that Mr. Thorpe had never had a sexual relationship with Mr. Scott.
Mr. Thorpe’s defense proceeded to undermine the credibility of the three main prosecution witnesses, showing that they had lied or changed their stories and that some had lucrative newspaper contracts that would pay them even more if Mr. Thorpe was convicted.
In a remarkably critical summing up, the presiding judge, Sir Joseph Donaldson Cantley, called Mr. Scott a “liar,” a “fraud,” a “sponger” and a “crook.”
But although Mr. Thorpe was acquitted, the verdict left many questions unanswered. At the end of the trial, defense lawyers admitted that one of the defendants would have pleaded guilty to a lesser charge of conspiring to frighten Mr. Scott.
John Jeremy Thorpe was born in Surrey on April 29, 1929, the son of John Henry Thorpe and a maternal grandson of John Norton Griffiths, both of whom had been Conservative members of Parliament. An ancestor had been speaker of the House of Commons in the 1400s.
Jeremy Thorpe was educated at Eton and Oxford, where he studied law and was a talented debater. He was practicing law in London when he first won the North Devon seat, in 1959. He became Liberal Party leader in 1967. The next year he married the former Caroline Allpass, an art expert. Rupert is their son.
Mr. Thorpe’s leadership began inauspiciously. The Liberals did badly in the 1970 election, losing half of their seats and winning only 7.5 percent of the vote.
A week later his wife was killed in a car crash. And he was embarrassed when a financial scandal engulfed a banking house of which he was a nonexecutive director.
In 1973 Mr. Thorpe married Marion Stein, the former wife of the Earl of Harewood, who was a cousin of Queen Elizabeth II.
The Liberals made a dramatic electoral comeback in 1974, winning 14 seats with almost 20 percent of the national vote. For the first time since World War II, the party looked to be a credible third force in British politics, depriving both the Conservatives and Labour of an overall majority.
In a bid to retain power, Prime Minister Edward Heath, a Conservative, suggested a coalition with the Liberals. But the idea stalled. When a second election brought Labour to power later in 1974 under Harold Wilson, the Liberals did slightly less well, losing one seat and winning 5.3 million votes, or 18.3 percent.
Besides his son, Rupert, he is survived by grandchildren and great-grandchildren. His wife, Marion, died in March.
His trial was chronicled in two books — “The Last Word: An Eye-Witness Account of the Thorpe Trial” (1980), by Auberon Waugh, and “Jeremy Thorpe: A Secret Life” (1979), by Lewis Chester, Magnus Linklater and David May — and both implicitly questioned the verdict.
In 1999 Mr. Thorpe published his memoirs, “In My Own Time: Reminiscences of a Liberal Leader.” But the book did not shed any further light on the Scott episode.
In 2008, however, well after homosexuality had gained wide acceptance in British society, he reflected on the episode in an interview with The Guardian.
“If it happened now,” he told the newspaper, “the public would be kinder. Back then they were very troubled by it.”
He added, “It offended their set of values.”

Saturday, December 6, 2014

Leslie Feinberg, Writer and Transgender Activist

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A self-portrait of Leslie Feinberg in the West Village in 2011. CreditLeslie Feinberg
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Leslie Feinberg, a writer and activist whose 1993 novel, “Stone Butch Blues,” is considered a landmark in the contemporary literature of gender complexity, died on Nov. 15 at her home in Syracuse. She was 65.
Her death was confirmed by her spouse, Minnie Bruce Pratt, who said in a statement that the cause was “complications from multiple tick-borne co-infections, including Lyme disease.”
Feinberg, who resisted being called Ms. or any other gender-specific honorific, wrote fiercely and furiously on behalf of those she saw as oppressed because of their sexual, ethnic, racial or other identities. A longtime member of theWorkers World Party, a Marxist-Leninist group, and a prolific journalist for its newspaper, she wrote a 120-part series, from 2004 to 2008, explicating the role of socialism in the history of gender politics.
Feinberg was an advocate for minorities and for the poor, as well as for gay men and lesbians and others who identified as transgender — an umbrella term, distinct from transsexual, that describes people whose life experience straddles the line between male and female and between masculine and feminine.
She herself was biologically a woman but presented outwardly as male — and sometimes passed as a man for reasons of safety, a friend, Julie Enszer, said in an interview. Feinberg, in referring to herself, used the pronouns ze (for she) and hir (for her), though she often said pronoun usage was frequently a matter of context.
“I am female-bodied, I am a butch lesbian, a transgender lesbian — referring to me as ‘she/her’ is appropriate, particularly in a non-trans setting in which referring to me as ‘he’ would appear to resolve the social contradiction between my birth sex and gender expression and render my transgender expression invisible,” she explained in a 2006 interview with Camp, a publication in Kansas City, Mo., aimed at gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender people and their supporters.
“I like the gender neutral pronoun ‘ze/hir,’ ” she continued, “because it makes it impossible to hold on to gender/sex/sexuality assumptions about a person you’re about to meet or you’ve just met. And in an all trans setting, referring to me as ‘he/him’ honors my gender expression in the same way that referring to my sister drag queens as ‘she/her’ does.”
Feinberg’s books included two nonfiction studies of gender issues, “Transgender Warriors: Making History From Joan of Arc to Dennis Rodman” and “Trans Liberation: Beyond Pink or Blue,” and a second novel, “Drag King.”
But her best-known and most influential work was “Stone Butch Blues,” a coming-of-age novel, drawn at least partly from her own life, about a young person, born female, who grows into adulthood at odds with her own family and comes to grips with her complicated, unconventional sexual and gender identity at a time when practicing a so-called alternative lifestyle invited stigma, open discrimination and, in many settings, menacing opprobrium.
“They cuffed my hands so tight I almost cried out,” the protagonist, Jess Goldberg, writes in a letter to a former lover, describing a night the police raided a club they were in together. “Then the cop unzipped his pants real slow, with a smirk on his face, and ordered me down on my knees. First I thought to myself, I can’t! Then I said out loud to myself and to you and to him, I won’t! I never told you this before but something changed inside of me at that moment. I learned the difference between what I can’t do and what I refuse to do.”
Leslie Feinberg was born on Sept. 1, 1949, in Kansas City and grew up in Buffalo. Her family was hostile to her sexuality and gender expression, and she left home as a teenager, rejecting them as well.
According to a biographical statement supplied by her spouse, Feinberg earned a living mostly in temporary low-wage jobs, including washing dishes, working in a book bindery, cleaning out ship cargo holds and interpreting sign language.
In addition to writing, she pursued many causes as an activist. In 1974, she organized a march against racism in Boston after white supremacists had attacked blacks there. She helped rally support for AIDS patients and those at risk in the early days of the disease. A longtime advocate for women’s reproductive rights, she returned to Buffalo to work for that cause in 1998, after an abortion provider, Dr. Barnett Slepian, was murdered in his home near there.
In addition to Pratt, a poet and an activist, Feinberg is survived by “an extended family of choice,” according to the statement provided by her spouse. She “identified as an antiracist white, working-class, secular Jewish, transgender, lesbian, female revolutionary communist,” the statement said.
In an essay after Feinberg’s death, Shauna Miller, a writer and editor who contributes to The Atlantic, wrote on the magazine’s website that “Stone Butch Blues” was “the heartbreaking holy grail of butch perspective,” a book that was instrumental in her coming to terms with her own sexual and gender identity. The novel, which has been translated into several languages including Chinese and Slovenian, “changed queer history,” she wrote.
“It changed trans history. It changed dyke history. And how it did that was by honestly telling a brutally real, beautifully vulnerable and messy personal story of a butch lesbian.”